Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

ON THE MORNING OF 1 November 1984, Atal Bihari Vajpayee heard an upheaval outside his home in New Delhi's Raisina Road. Despite the fact that Atal was marginally incapacitated, the decibel levels were sufficiently noisy to incite the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Member of Parliament (MP) to come out of his home. On the contrary, the roadside was a taxi stand and a horde had gathered there. The furious horde, charged by the death of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi the earlier day by her Sikh protectors, needed to retaliate for her killing by focusing on each Sikh insight. The majority of the cabs at the stand, as at all different stands in Delhi, we're driven by Sikhs. The crowd needed to consume the taxicabs and lynch the drivers. Frightened by the sight, Atal rushed to the opposite roadside to stop the viciousness. It required some investment, however, Atal was a recognizable figure in Delhi and directed tremendous regard. The instigators regarded his words and the horde scattered gradually. Atal remained at the spot till the last man had left.

Later in the day—after a crisis meeting at the BJP's home office at 11, Ashoka Road, where he heard frightening stories of the focusing of Sikhs from partners—Atal, alongside longterm partner L.K. Advani, went to see Home Minister Narasimha Rao. The restriction head was not happy with Rao's tepid confirmation that he would investigate the issue; besides, Rao was reserved about conveying the military in the city as Atal recommended. Disillusioned, Atal returned to the gathering office and told neighborhood BJP pioneers like Madan Lal Khurana and Vijay Kumar Malhotra to get the gathering units in the field to secure Sikhs and their properties. Regardless of whether the diktat was truly trailed by the BJP units or whether they remained as uninvolved observers at numerous spots involves banter. In any case, the reality remains that Atal rose like a pioneer, attempting to sort out his gathering apparatus to stop the brutality while the lawfulness hardware stood latent and administering party-roused hordes focused on hapless Sikhs—men, ladies, and kids—and crushed their properties. 

A fortnight later, at the gathering of the national office of the BJP, Atal straightforwardly stated, 'If at some level in the decision party this inclination had not been there that the network to which the executioners [of Indira Gandhi] had a place ought to be shown a thing or two, the unsettling influences would not have expected the measurements that they did.' 

For his nerve, Atal needed to address an overwhelming cost. He had challenged his past two decisions from the New Delhi voting demographic and understood that he would confront certain annihilation from his seat in the surveys that were scarcely two months away. Truth be told, to guarantee that Atal lost at any cost, the Congress intended to field Amitabh Bachchan from the seat. Perusing the signs, he chose to move to his old neighborhood Gwalior, yet here, as well, he came a cropper and lost the decisions. All things considered, the BJP was then only a youngster party, just four years of age, and it had figured out how to win only two seats the nation over. (Ostensibly, the BJP's exhibition could have been exceptional in those long periods of franticness if its gathering chiefs had made normal reason with the Congress.) In the repercussions of his mom's death, Rajiv Gandhi had stated, 'When a major tree falls, the earth underneath shakes,' offering boldness to the pirates. Atal, then again, didn't make any such expressions for political additions, despite the fact that he could well have in light of the fact that the Sikhs, in any event back then, were not known to be a piece of the help base of the saffron party. As it happened, Atal’s silence could well have swung some of the Hindu votes towards the Congress.

The Formative Years - Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

IT WAS Sometimes IN 1939, on a Sunday morning when a fifteen-year-old Atal Bihari Vajpayee had gone to attend the weekly meeting of the Arya Kumar Sabha (the  youth wing of the Arya Samaj) in Gwalior, that a senior worker, Bhoodev Shastri, asked him a question.

‘What do you do in the evenings?’

‘Nothing in particular,’ replied the young Atal.

‘Then why don’t you attend the shakha of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),’ suggested Shastri.

Atal was quick to act on the recommendation of Shastri, whom he considered a great organizer and an intellectual. Unknown to him then, this decision was to change his life and set him on the road to one day becoming the prime minister of India. The Vajpayee family was a staunch adherent of Sanatan Dharma, i.e. orthodox Hinduism. Though as a satanic, Atal would not be expected to have been exposed to the Arya Samaj, whose tenets are different from those of Sanatan Dharma, it so happened that the boy was introduced to the Arya Kumar Sabha, whose purpose was to cultivate character and a sense of purpose in young boys.

In those days, Gwalior was a princely state ruled by the Scindias. In fact, along with Hyderabad, Mysore, Baroda, and Kashmir, Gwalior was amongst the largest princely states in British India whose rulers were entitled to a twenty-one-gun salute, with only the Viceroy of India being entitled to a higher, thirty-one-gun salute. The rulers lived a life of luxury in Jai Vilas palace, the princes often embarking on shikars. The maharaja had a great fascination for electric trains and in the 1940s, he got 75m-long solid silver rails laid down on a giant-sized iron dining table in his central banquet hall. Trains ran over these rails carrying food during banquets. Needless to add, the levers were controlled by the maharaja. He could speed up the gravy train or slow it down as he desired. Life for ordinary citizens was difficult. The lot of the peasantry was unenviable. Yet, as in every princely state, the royalty was looked up to by the populace.

Getting into Politics - Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

IN HIS EARLY POLITICAL life, Atal was greatly influenced by Deen Dayal Upadhyaya. About eight years older than Atal, Deen Dayal belonged to the same region in north India as him. He was a Brahmin like Atal but had led an impoverished life after his father died young. Deen Dayal had grown up in different places of north India like Mathura and Agra thanks to the transfer of his guardians. Like Atal, he too had joined the RSS and was impressed by the dedication of the organization. When the Jana Sangh was founded by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in 1951, with the support of the RSS, a few pracharaks were seconded to the new political party. Among them was Deen Dayal Upadhyaya who greatly impressed Shyama Prasad. In turn, Deen Dayal was very taken with Atal, whose work as editor of Rashtradharma and Panchajanya had been observed by Upadhaya from close quarters. Deen Dayal averred that Atal, with his youth, energy and writing skills, would be of great assistance. Thus, the young man was introduced to Shyama Prasad. The president of the Jana Sangh used to publicly say that if he had three associates like Deen Dayal, he would change the political face of India. Thus a recommendation from Deen Dayal held great value for Shyama Prasad. Little wonder then that Atal Bihari soon became an assistant to Shyama Prasad, helping him in his political work, especially relating to Kashmir. In his autobiography, L.K. Advani recollects his first meeting with Atal in 1952, when the latter was accompanying Shyama Prasad on a train journey to Rajasthan to popularize the fledgling party. Advani says that Atal came across as a ‘young, intense-looking political activist, lean and imbued with youthful idealism and carried around him the aura of a poet who had drifted into politics, something was smoldering in him’.

When Shyama Prasad went to Srinagar to protest against the government regulations that allowed only those with permits into Kashmir, Atal accompanied him on the train till Pathankot along with three other associates. Over half a century later, Atal recalled the journey in an interview to the Press Trust of India (PTI) in July 2004: ‘When Mukherjee decided to violate the permit rule by entering J&K, we thought that the Punjab government would arrest him and prevent him from proceeding further. However, this did not happen. Later we learned that the Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) and Nehru governments had entered into a conspiracy as per which it was decided that Mukherjee would be allowed to enter J&K but not allowed to leave.’ Shyama Prasad Mukherjee tragically died in detention in Kashmir in June 1953, plunging the fledgling Jana Sangh into a crisis. Though someone else became the president, the reins of the party passed into the hands of Deen Dayal Upadhyaya.

The loss of Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was a blow for the Jana Sangh in many ways. Not only had the founder of the party died, but so had an able parliamentarian and a fantastic debater who believed in calling a spade a spade. There was no one to hold up the flag of the Jana Sangh in Parliament and
represent its viewpoint effectively. Even though he had lost the elections, Deen Dayal wanted Atal to be elected to the Lok Sabha at the next available opportunity. The chance came when the elections to the second Lok Sabha were held in 1957. Not wanting to leave anything to chance, Deen Dayal persuaded Atal to contest from three seats: Lucknow, Mathura, and Balrampur. Balrampur was a little-known and first-time constituency in the Terai region in the Gonda district of UP. Though it was part of a taluqdari under Oudh state, Balrampur’s rulers were staunch Hindus. In fact, the All India Ram Rajya Parishad, which had won a few seats in the Lok Sabha in the first three general elections
before merging with the Jana Sangh, it was founded in Balrampur. Though the founder, Swami Karpatri, was a Dashnami sadhu, he had established the party with the support of the Raja of Balrampur in 1948. With the ruler, who had a strong influence on the electorate, himself being a staunch Hindu, it presented a favorable opportunity to Vajpayee.

Leading the Jana Sangh  - Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

THE SUDDEN DEATH OF Deen Dayal Upadhyaya brought on a crisis in the party. The late president had been handling the delicate task of managing the coalition partners in SVD governments in many states. Whatever might have been the constitution of the Jana Sangh, the ultimate call in the appointment of a new president had to be taken by M.S. Golwalkar, the RSS sarsanghchalak. A mystic-like man who remained connected to realpolitik in a strange way, Guruji (as he was hailed by his followers) did not control the Jana Sangh directly. It was only through a process of elaborate signaling, most of it behind closed doors, that the RSS boss operated. However, Guruji was in a bind. Whom should he nominate in Deen Dayal Upadhyaya’s place?

Balraj Madhok, who had been the president the previous year, was lobbying hard. However, Madhok, whatever may have been his commitment to the Jana Sangh, was not quite cut out for a job that required a consensus seeker. His personality was quite to the contrary. He was direct and shot from the hip. The other choice was Atal, who had made his mark in Parliament and was perceived as a moderate in a right-wing party in Delhi circles.

Love, Life, and Poetry - Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

Murmur ne dekhi hai in aankhon ki mahekti khushboo, 

Haath se chuke ise rishton ka ilzaam na do. 

Sirf ehsaas hai, yeh rooh se mehsus karo, 

Pyar ko pyar howdy rehne do, koi naam na do. 

Gulzar's interminable lines in the film Khamoshi appropriately depict a significant part of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee's life. In spite of the fact that not obscure to his partners, this crucial piece of Atal's life venture has been lived out of open conversations. 

When Rajkumari Kaul kicked the bucket in May 2014, numerous papers announced the news. The moderate ones depicted her as Atal's family unit part, be that as it may, writing in the Telegraph, writer K.P. Nayar stated, 'Mrs. Kaul will be associated with numerous years by 

the individuals who knew her as oneself destroying, prominently sacrificial better a large portion of that Vajpayee never had but was consistently next to him till she became sick and capitulated to coronary failure.' 

Writer Girish Nikam, composing for, described his involvement in Vajpayee and Mrs Kaul. Nikam, who was in contact with Atal for his revealing assignments (he was discussing the days when Atal was at this point to become head administrator), described how Mrs Kaul got the telephone each time he called up Atal's habitation. 

Mrs. Kaul on getting the telephone would naturally say, 'Mrs. Kaul here.' 

Once Nikam, who had become accustomed to Mrs. Kaul's voice, replied, 'Yes I know,' the minute Mrs. Kaul recognized herself. 

Mrs. Kaul shot back tenderly, 'You don't have a clue who I am?' 

Nikam had to answer, 'No Ma'am.' 

Mrs. Kaul then answered, 'I am Mrs. Kaul, Rajkumari Kaul. Vajpayeeji and I have been companions for quite a while, more than forty years. You don't have a clue?' 

Nikam composed that he muttered an answer, 'Gracious I am sorry I didn't have the foggiest idea.' 

Mrs. Kaul then giggled and proceeded to state how Vajpayee had lived with her and her better half Professor Kaul every one of these years. 

The main time oneself destroying Mrs. Kaul gave a meeting to the press was to a lady's magazine in the mid-1980s. At the point when the questioner got some information about herself and Atal, Mrs. Kaul answered that both Atalji and she never wanted to offer contrite clarifications to Mr. Kaul once the filthy bits of gossip started (of them living respectively in a similar family unit). She included that her relationship with her significant other was unreasonably solid for that. 

 Sunita Budhiraja an advertising proficient, artist and author who knew both Atal and Mrs Kaul well indeed, had called up the last when she read the meeting. However, the telephone was replied by Atal and Sunita said that she needed to commend both him and Mrs Kaul for the striking meeting.

Atal stated, 'Aap khud hey yeh baat unhe bataayein,' and gave the telephone to Mrs Kaul who was near. 

Sunita, who was once near Mrs Kaul however later floated away, remembers that one day feeling meditative she had trusted in Sunita about her relationship with Atal. Evidently, the two were in school in Gwalior simultaneously. This was in the mid-1940s and those were moderate days when kinships among young men and young ladies were disapproved of. Thus, more often than not, feelings were never communicated by those in adoration. Clearly, youthful Atal left a letter for Rajkumari in a book in the library. Be that as it may, he didn't get an answer to his letter. Rajkumari did in reality answer. The answer was likewise left in a book however it didn't reach Atal. In course of time, Rajkumari (whose father was an administration official) was hitched to a youthful school educator, Brij Narain Kaul. 

'As a matter of fact, she needed to wed Atal however there was huge restriction at her home. The Kauls viewed themselves as of a predominant breed, in spite of the fact that Atal was additionally a Brahmin,' says Sanjeev Kaul, an agent from Delhi whose family is identified with Mrs. Kaul's. 

He said that Mrs. Kaul grew up mostly in the Chitli Qabar territory of the walled city of Delhi with her cousins before moving to Gwalior. She was known there by her epithet of 'Bibi'. Mrs Kaul's dad, Govind Narain Haksar, was utilized with the Scindias' instruction division. Kamini Kaul, a niece of Mrs Kaul's, yet just somewhat more youthful than her, recalls Bibi Behn's commitment. 

'It was in 1947 around the hour of segment and there were revolts in old Delhi where we remained. Be that as it may, Bibi Behn's mom brought her swiftly to Delhi and got her drew into this youthful school teacher. The marriage was held later in Gwalior,' Kamini Kaul recalls. 

She says that Brij Mohan Kaul was an extremely better than average man: 'Bahut sidhey the.' 

Atal proceeded onward throughout everyday life except didn't wed, and he turned into a full-time legislator. The two met by and by when Atal had become a MP and Rajkumari had moved to Delhi, her significant other showing theory in Delhi University's Ramjas College.

S.K. Das, an IAS official who resigned as secretary to the Government of India, has clear recollections of Atal in Mrs Kaul's home in Ramjas College.

Janata Raj and the BJP - Atal Bihari Vajpayee Biography

WHEN THE JANATA GOVERNMENT came to power, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was appointed external affairs minister. This was natural because India’s relationship with other countries had been a subject of great interest to Atal ever since he entered the portals of Parliament in 1957. On 26 March 1977, when Atal went to his ministerial office after taking oath in the Morarji Desai government, he instinctively realized that something was missing in the room. He had been there many times before as an MP and thus had a fairly good idea about what was there in the room. He soon spotted a vacant space on the wall and it immediately occurred to him that what was missing was a portrait of Jawaharlal Nehru that used to hang on the wall.

‘This is where Panditji’s portrait used to be,’ he told his secretary, according to contemporary historian Ramachandra Guha (writing in the Hindu on 10 November 2002). ‘I remember it from my earlier visits to the room. Where is it? I want it back,’ he added. Guha attributes the information to a senior Foreign Service officer, still serving then.

Needless to add, the photo was soon fetched from the attic. Atal knew that the rather clumsy spring cleaning was the effort of the babus to ingratiate themselves with the new regime by removing all signs of the old. However, Atal greatly respected Nehru, who held the external affairs portfolio in addition to being prime minister for all the seventeen years that he was at the helm. In fact, the external affairs minister’s room was once used by Nehru when he was prime minister. After entering the room and asking his secretary about the missing photograph, Atal also asked that the window of the room be opened so that he could have a view of the North Block from there. When the window was opened, Atal remarked, ‘Kabhi khwaabon mein bhi nahin socha tha ki ek din main is kamre mein baithunga [Never did I dream that one day I will be sitting in this room.’

‘He had watched Nehru with great admiration ever since he entered Parliament and had been greatly influenced by him, especially on foreign policy,’ says veteran journalist Saeed Naqvi.

Little wonder then that under Atal, the Janata government’s foreign policy did not show much change. In its hurriedly drafted manifesto, in the run up to elections, the Janata party had been rather vague on foreign policy. It had merely stated that the ‘Janata Party’s foreign policy will reflect the nation’s enlightened interests and its aspirations and priorities at home. It will oppose all forms of colonialism and racism.

It stands for friendships for all.’

At an election rally, Morarji Desai had promised that his government ‘will make foreign policy reflect true non-alignment’. By this he implied that India’s special relationship with the Soviet Union would be reviewed.

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